Sudan agrees to UN command of AU force in Darfur

Sudan agrees to UN command of AU force in Darfur
Friday 1 December 2006 01:30.

Nov 30, 2006 (ABUJA) — Sudan has agreed to allow the United Nations to take over command of the African Union peacekeeping force in the war-torn region of Darfur, a top AU official said.
He said the mandate of the force in Darfur had also been extended for a further six months.
"We have welcomed Sudan’s acceptance of the use of systems and command and control structures of the UN," AU Peace and Security Council head Said Djinnit told reporters in Abuja at the end of the inaugural African-South American summit.
The decision was taken at a meeting on Darfur — attended by Sudanese president Omad al Bashir — that had been held on the margins of the summit in Abuja, Djinnit said.
On November 16, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan announced that Sudan had agreed "in principle" to the deployment a "hybrid" UN-AU peacekeeping force in Darfur.
This appeared to signal a change in the position of Khartoum, which had vehemently opposed any significant UN role in Darfur, arguing it would be a violation of its sovereignty and could worsen the situation there.
(AFP)

AU Press Statement on the Deteriorating Security Situation in Darfur

AU Press Statement on the Deteriorating Security Situation in Darfur

AFRICAN UNION
RESS STATEMENT BY AMBASSSDOR BABA GANA KINGIBE, SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE CHAIRPERSON OF THE AFRICAN UNION COMMISION ON THE DETERIORATING SECURITY SITUATION IN DARFUR
KHARTOUM, 1 OCTOBER 2005
Ladies and Gentlemen, Good morning and welcome to the AMIS Headquarters in Khartoum. As you are aware I have not been in the habit of conducting what you might call “microphone diplomacy” by personally addressing the press unless in exceptional circumstances. As you are aware the procedure AMIS follows to establish violations of the ceasefire on the ground are methodolical and governed by rules of procedure of the Ceasefire Commission (CFC) and the Joint Commission (JC). Whenever we receive reports of ceasefire violations, an investigation team comprising representatives of the AU, GoS, JEM, SLA, and the US and EU representing the international community, investigate such reports. And after a thorough deliberation by the CFC, its findings are forwarded to the Joint Commission. The JC deliberates on the CFC findings and publishes its report. This is the established procedure.
You might well debate whether this is adequate, especially as the JC has no executive powers to penalize any offending party. You may also question the length of time it takes for an incidence to be conclusively disposed of, between when it occurs and when the JC publishes its findings. Indeed, I am of the view that the mechanism in place, while it could have worked if the parties to the conflict in Darfur were acting in good faith and if they were genuinely committed to their undertakings in the various agreements they have signed. However, in the light of our experience in the past fourteen months we must conclude that there is neither good faith nor commitment on the part of any of the parties. I also believe that there is a clear need to review the rules of procedure and of especially the JC. I am making this observation by way of introduction to explain why we have taken the unprecedented step of calling a press conference to address the series of violations of ceasefire that occurred in Darfur since the conclusion of the 5th round of the Abuja Peace talks.
The extent of collapse of the security situation in Darfur during this period is even more ironic and regrettable given the high hopes for an early resolution of the Darfur crisis generated by the adoption of the widely acclaimed Declaration of Principles (DOP) on the 5 July 2005. We all hoped the intervening period between then and the resumption of the 6th Round of Talks in Abuja on 15 September, all the parties would endeavour to consolidate these positive gains, to maintain calm on the ground to enable a successful start to the current round of negotiations in Abuja. Unfortunately, this was not to be. You would recall that in the past one month we witnessed series of violations in Dafur, with widespread violence against villages, commercial and humanitarian convoys and even IDP camps. This rendered the work of the humanitarian agencies and NGOs in the area difficult, and in some cases, they were forced to suspend their activities. These violations were variously attributed to unidentified armed militia, the “Janjaweed” or even some Chadian rebels.
You would also recall that on 28 August 2005, elements of the SLA/M launched a massive attack on Turba near Al Malam. We now know that contrary to earlier information, there were no deaths, although a number of people were abducted together with their camels, the exact number of which is not yet verified. While we were in the middle of trying to mediate between the SLA/M and the Arab nomads over the Al Malam incident, the SLA proceeded to attack and occupy the GOS garrison town of Shearia, as well as some nearby locations on 19 September 2005. These incidences have had such negative impact on the ongoing talks in Abuja that the Chief Negotiator, Dr Salim Ahmed Salim, had to issue a strong statement urging restraint. It is against this background that we find it utterly incomprehensible that the GOS Forces which had hitherto not only shown restraint themselves, but used their considerable and known influence on the Arab/Armed militia to restrain them as well, suddenly decided to abandon such responsible behaviour and posture and resorted to the violent destructive and overwhelming use of force not only against the rebel forces, but also on innocent civilian villages and the IDP camps.
Since the Shaeria incidence, a number of coordinated offensive operations have been undertaken by the GOS and the Janjaweed Arab militia. On 18 September 2005, simultaneous attacks at Khartoum Djadeed, Sandego, Khasantongur, Tary, Martal and Djabain resulted in the death of 12 civilians, 5 seriously wounded, and the displacement of about 4,000 civilians. Heavy and small weapons mounted on vehicles were reportedly used by GOS, in close coordination with about 300 Janjaweed Arab militia. Most of the displaced people moved to Zamzam and Tawilla IDP camps.
As you are probably aware on 28 September 2005, just four days ago, some reportedly 400 Janjaweed Arab militia on camels and horse back went on the rampage in Arusharo, Acho and Gozmena villages in West Darfur. Our reports also indicate that the day previous, and indeed on the actual day of the attack, GOS helicopter gunships were observed overhead. This apparent coordinated land and air assault gives credence to the repeated claim by the rebel movements of collusion between the GOS forces and the Janjaweed/Arab militia. This incidence, which was confirmed not only by our investigators but also by workers of humanitarian agencies and NGOs in the area, took a heavy toll resulting in 32 people killed, 4 injured and 7 missing, and about 80 houses/shelter looted and set ablaze.
The following day, a clearly premeditated and well rehearsed combined operation was carried out by the GOS military and police at approximately 11 am in the town of Tawilla and its IDP camp in North Darfur. The GOS forces used approximately 41 trucks and 7 land cruisers in the operation which resulted in a number of deaths, massive displacement of civilians and the destruction of several houses in the surrounding areas as well as some tents in the IDP camps. Indeed, the remains of discharged explosive devices were found in the IDP camp. During the attack, thousands from the township and the IDP camp and many humanitarian workers were forced to seek refuge near the AU camp for personal safety and security.Finally, yesterday, 30 September 2005, we received reports that at about 1230 hours, machine gun and small gun fires were heard loudly in Shearia town and two helicopter gunships were reportedly seen dropping bombs in the direction of Ato village, some 5km south of Shearia. We are still investigating to establish the extent of any casualty and damage. Even as I speak now AMIS troops are closely monitoring the situation in Kabkabiya, Rokiro, Golo and Nertiti where increased activities of bands of militias dressed in green khaki indicate they are pressing to attack.
Clearly, these incidences, if they continue unchecked will further exacerbate the efforts of the AU in Abuja which are already facing difficulties over procedural questions of representations of the parties, specifically the SLA/M. The initial sour note introduced by the SLA’s attack in Shearia had been mitigated by the Movement’s compliance with the appeal by the AU Chief Negotiator for them to vacate Shearia and refrain from acts capable of derailing the peace talks. If the GOS forces claim that their latest acts of ceasefire violations are in retaliation for earlier acts of provocation by the SLA, this cannot be justified given the deliberately calculated and wanton destruction wrecked by the disproportionate use of force on innocent civilians and IDPs in their camps. Whatever the circumstances, we expect a greater sense of responsibility and a greater standard of behaviour on the part of the GOS troops and their allies, than they have exhibited in the last 4 days.
As you may well know, AMIS patrol teams have often encountered restrictions to their movement, particularly in SLA-controlled areas. The SLA commanders have often cited lack of prior notification, and more significantly the use by GOS forces of vehicles painted in AMIS colours which makes it extremely difficult for them to distinguish friend from foe. In these latest incidences, we indeed observed some GOS vehicles painted in white colour, giving credence to the claim by the SLA. We, therefore, view as unacceptable and in violation of all established norms and conventions the use of a neutral parties colours by belligerents as is done by the GOS forces. This practice of painting some of the vehicles in AMIS colours was witnessed during the attack on Tawila, and a couple of days earlier in Shangil Tobaya. We urge the GOS forces to stop forthwith this unethical practice in order to maintain the integrity and neutrality of the AMIS forces. We now call upon the GOS forces, as indeed we had called upon the rebel movements before, to immediately cease any further acts of violations of the ceasefire on the ground. I appeal to them to honour the sacredness of the holy month of Ramadan into which we are now entering and stop the bloodshed in Darfur, to stop any further suffering of the innocent population of Darfur, especially those living on handouts in the IDP camps, and allow them to observe the holy month in serenity, peace and dignity.
I also appeal to all Sudanese parties in Darfur to give the serious mediation efforts of the AU in Abuja, so strongly supported by the international community a chance to succeed.
I further appeal to all the humanitarian agencies and NGOs in the recent conflict-affected areas, especially in West Darfur and Tawila to resume their vital work of providing the much-needed life-saving assistance. I recognize and applaud them for the great humanitarian work they are doing under most trying and frustrating conditions. I want to assure them that the AMIS troops will do all they can to extend to them the necessary protection to ensure their ability to work unhindered.
May I finally say that the AU views these recent developments with such seriousness and concern that the Chairperson of the AU Commission, Prof Alpha Omar Konare, has authorized the convening of an emergency meeting of the Peace and Security Council on Monday 3 October 2005 in Addis Ababa to deliberate upon these developments and consider appropriate measures to avoid further deterioration of the security situation in Darfur.
My colleagues and I are now ready to field any questions you may have.

David Cameron: We cannot remain silent in the face of this horror in Darfur

David Cameron: We cannot remain silent in the face of this horror in Darfur
We should freeze their Swiss bank accounts if they do not comply
Published: 26 November 2006

Last week I met Yasir (not his real name), a father of five, in a camp in Darfur. He told me his village was attacked by government troops and that his family were forced to flee from their homes with nothing. When I asked him how he knew that these were government troops, he responded: "Because they got out of government helicopters in government uniforms."
Yasir's story was one I heard time and time again when I visited the al-Salaam and Abu Shouk camps, home to around 100,000 people in makeshift huts, on the outskirts of El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur. People with their homes destroyed, villages emptied and relatives slaughtered. Most shocking was that, in many cases, it is their government which is responsible.
The world has a number of pressing concerns, but we cannot afford to close our eyes to four million people on humanitarian relief; over two million internally displaced and up to 300,000 killed. It is the biggest humanitarian crisis facing the world today. We have a profound moral duty to work round the clock not just to alleviate the suffering, but to stop the fighting.
The Darfur crisis is complex. There are tribal militias fighting each other. There is banditry on a massive scale. And there are rebel troops taking the opportunity to ransack villages. But at its heart, there is a simple dynamic: the Janjaweed militia, sponsored by the Sudanese government, is driving people out for reasons of ethnicity. This is ethnic cleansing - and we cannot remain silent in the face of this horror.
First, there needs to be an unequivocal ceasefire. Second, talks are needed to establish the framework for a settlement that will underpin lasting peace. And third, the international peacekeeping force needs to be strengthened in terms of numbers and the power it wields.
In El Fasher, I met the commander of the African Union peacekeeping force. He has just 5,000 poorly equipped troops to oversee an area the size of France, with over two million people in 173 camps. This force needs to be much larger, better equipped and, vitally, have the link to the UN without which it will not be able to do its job properly.
The Sudanese government is insisting that only African troops be allowed in Darfur, but they know that the AU will struggle to put together a force to do the job effectively. Internationalising the peacekeeping force would be an important step towards increasing its effectiveness.
It is far from certain whether Khartoum is willing to adhere to the terms of the recent agreement in Addis Ababa. I saw for myself how well practised Sudanese government officials are at offering slippery explanations for the violence their regime is perpetrating.
Shortly after that agreement was made, Sudanese forces attacked Birmaza, the town where subsequent ceasefire talks with rebels were supposed to take place. I challenged officials on this latest display of contempt for the peace process and was given four different responses by four different people.
Darfur presents a test case for the international community and its ability to handle humanitarian disasters. It is speaking with one voice in its condemnation. It was encouraging, for example, that China, which has oil interests in Sudan, urged the Sudanese to sign up to the Addis Ababa agreement.
If the Sudanese fail to comply, we should be ready to freeze their Swiss bank accounts, extend travel bans and make it clear to the generals and politicians that the International Criminal Court will pursue them vigorously for the crimes being committed in their name.
While visiting one camp, I saw a perfectly kept hut with beds made and a satchel hanging on the wall. It was a remarkable symbol of the resilience and spirit of the victims caught up in this terrible conflict. We owe it to them to show a similar resolve in bringing about its end.
Last week I met Yasir (not his real name), a father of five, in a camp in Darfur. He told me his village was attacked by government troops and that his family were forced to flee from their homes with nothing. When I asked him how he knew that these were government troops, he responded: "Because they got out of government helicopters in government uniforms."
Yasir's story was one I heard time and time again when I visited the al-Salaam and Abu Shouk camps, home to around 100,000 people in makeshift huts, on the outskirts of El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur. People with their homes destroyed, villages emptied and relatives slaughtered. Most shocking was that, in many cases, it is their government which is responsible.
The world has a number of pressing concerns, but we cannot afford to close our eyes to four million people on humanitarian relief; over two million internally displaced and up to 300,000 killed. It is the biggest humanitarian crisis facing the world today. We have a profound moral duty to work round the clock not just to alleviate the suffering, but to stop the fighting.
The Darfur crisis is complex. There are tribal militias fighting each other. There is banditry on a massive scale. And there are rebel troops taking the opportunity to ransack villages. But at its heart, there is a simple dynamic: the Janjaweed militia, sponsored by the Sudanese government, is driving people out for reasons of ethnicity. This is ethnic cleansing - and we cannot remain silent in the face of this horror.
First, there needs to be an unequivocal ceasefire. Second, talks are needed to establish the framework for a settlement that will underpin lasting peace. And third, the international peacekeeping force needs to be strengthened in terms of numbers and the power it wields.
In El Fasher, I met the commander of the African Union peacekeeping force. He has just 5,000 poorly equipped troops to oversee an area the size of France, with over two million people in 173 camps. This force needs to be much larger, better equipped and, vitally, have the link to the UN without which it will not be able to do its job properly.
The Sudanese government is insisting that only African troops be allowed in Darfur, but they know that the AU will struggle to put together a force to do the job effectively. Internationalising the peacekeeping force would be an important step towards increasing its effectiveness.
It is far from certain whether Khartoum is willing to adhere to the terms of the recent agreement in Addis Ababa. I saw for myself how well practised Sudanese government officials are at offering slippery explanations for the violence their regime is perpetrating.
Shortly after that agreement was made, Sudanese forces attacked Birmaza, the town where subsequent ceasefire talks with rebels were supposed to take place. I challenged officials on this latest display of contempt for the peace process and was given four different responses by four different people.
Darfur presents a test case for the international community and its ability to handle humanitarian disasters. It is speaking with one voice in its condemnation. It was encouraging, for example, that China, which has oil interests in Sudan, urged the Sudanese to sign up to the Addis Ababa agreement.
If the Sudanese fail to comply, we should be ready to freeze their Swiss bank accounts, extend travel bans and make it clear to the generals and politicians that the International Criminal Court will pursue them vigorously for the crimes being committed in their name.
While visiting one camp, I saw a perfectly kept hut with beds made and a satchel hanging on the wall. It was a remarkable symbol of the resilience and spirit of the victims caught up in this terrible conflict. We owe it to them to show a similar resolve in bringing about its end.

The Foreign Office, Sudan's secret police chief, and the war on terror

The Foreign Office, Sudan's secret police chief, and the war on terror
Khartoum's security boss has been treated in a British hospital despite being blamed for war crimes in Darfur
By Francis Elliott, Whitehall Editor
Published: 26 November 2006
Britain has twice allowed a Sudanese intelligence chief named by the United Nations panel investigating war crimes in Darfur to visit London for medical treatment and secret talks about al-Qa'ida.
Salah Abdallah "Gosh" has been accused of failing to stop the mass murder of 300,000 people and making a further two million homeless in Sudan.
A UN panel of experts recommended Sudan's chief of security and military intelligence face international sanctions two years ago. But Salah Abdallah, a former associate of Osama bin Laden, is being protected by US, British and French intelligence service, according to former US officials.
The full extent of his special treatment was laid bare last week when the Foreign Office admitted it had granted him two visas to visit Britain in the past nine months.
Although ministers insisted the visits were for "urgent medical treatment" they admit that he met "UK officials" during his time in London.
Salah Abdallah was flown by the CIA to the agency's headquarters in Langley, Virginia, in 2005. But the visit of the head of Sudan's secret police to Washington caused such an outcry that he was banned from revisiting the US.
Britain has proved to be more accommodating. In March, Salah Abdallah visited the private Cromwell Hospital in central London. It is believed he consulted a cardiologist. The nature of his second "urgent medical treatment" in August is not known.
On both occasions the man who was Bin Laden's main contact in Khartoum in the early 1990s spoke to US and UK officials.
Lord Triesman, the Foreign Office Minister for Africa, described him as "an influential member of the Sudanese government", and said it was right that the Government raised its concerns over Darfur with him.
Just how influential is detailed in a Human Rights Watch report on Sudan. "Security controls this country," it says. "The power is in Salah Gosh. He can overrule the army and military intelligence."
The respected organisation alleged his service was complicit in murderous attacks carried out on Darfuris by the Arab militia known as Janjaweed.
"Sudanese security officials have, for many years, been implicated in serious human rights abuses, including arbitrary detention and torture. Selected security agents are believed to be liaisons with the Janjaweed leaders."
The UN panel ranked him number two in a list of "identified individuals" who should be held accountable for the Darfur killings. It accused him of "failure to identify, neutralise and disarm non-state militia groups in Darfur".
Andrew Mitchell, the shadow International Development spokesman, is now pressing the Foreign Office to reveal who, exactly, Salah Abdallah met on his visits. "We need to understand why he wasn't immediately arrested and sent to the International Criminal Court in The Hague."
Mohammed Yahya, a Darfur survivor-turned-activist, said: "I have seen members of my family killed as a result of Salah Gosh's policies."
Dr James Smith of the Aegis Trust, which campaigns to prevent genocide worldwide, said: "I am staggered that the British government, with full knowledge of his role, arranged for him to have medical treatment in British hospitals.
"Perhaps he is offering titbits of information, but our policy should be to stop terror wherever it happens. History will cast a shadow of disgrace over the British for turning a blind eye to this mass murderer."
Gillian Lusk, a former deputy editor of Africa Confidential, has followed Salah Abdallah's career from his days as a violent Islamist student in Khartoum University.
She said: "It seems unlikely that Britain and the US's 'intelligence co-operation' with Sudan's Islamist regime will bring much of great use in counter-terrorism: Khartoum is expert at running rings around the international community, and the 300,000 to 500,000 people who have died in Darfur have paid the price of this co-operation."
Britain has twice allowed a Sudanese intelligence chief named by the United Nations panel investigating war crimes in Darfur to visit London for medical treatment and secret talks about al-Qa'ida.
Salah Abdallah "Gosh" has been accused of failing to stop the mass murder of 300,000 people and making a further two million homeless in Sudan.
A UN panel of experts recommended Sudan's chief of security and military intelligence face international sanctions two years ago. But Salah Abdallah, a former associate of Osama bin Laden, is being protected by US, British and French intelligence service, according to former US officials.
The full extent of his special treatment was laid bare last week when the Foreign Office admitted it had granted him two visas to visit Britain in the past nine months.
Although ministers insisted the visits were for "urgent medical treatment" they admit that he met "UK officials" during his time in London.
Salah Abdallah was flown by the CIA to the agency's headquarters in Langley, Virginia, in 2005. But the visit of the head of Sudan's secret police to Washington caused such an outcry that he was banned from revisiting the US.
Britain has proved to be more accommodating. In March, Salah Abdallah visited the private Cromwell Hospital in central London. It is believed he consulted a cardiologist. The nature of his second "urgent medical treatment" in August is not known.
On both occasions the man who was Bin Laden's main contact in Khartoum in the early 1990s spoke to US and UK officials.
Lord Triesman, the Foreign Office Minister for Africa, described him as "an influential member of the Sudanese government", and said it was right that the Government raised its concerns over Darfur with him.
Just how influential is detailed in a Human Rights Watch report on Sudan. "Security controls this country," it says. "The power is in Salah Gosh. He can overrule the army and military intelligence."
The respected organisation alleged his service was complicit in murderous attacks carried out on Darfuris by the Arab militia known as Janjaweed.
"Sudanese security officials have, for many years, been implicated in serious human rights abuses, including arbitrary detention and torture. Selected security agents are believed to be liaisons with the Janjaweed leaders."
The UN panel ranked him number two in a list of "identified individuals" who should be held accountable for the Darfur killings. It accused him of "failure to identify, neutralise and disarm non-state militia groups in Darfur".
Andrew Mitchell, the shadow International Development spokesman, is now pressing the Foreign Office to reveal who, exactly, Salah Abdallah met on his visits. "We need to understand why he wasn't immediately arrested and sent to the International Criminal Court in The Hague."
Mohammed Yahya, a Darfur survivor-turned-activist, said: "I have seen members of my family killed as a result of Salah Gosh's policies."
Dr James Smith of the Aegis Trust, which campaigns to prevent genocide worldwide, said: "I am staggered that the British government, with full knowledge of his role, arranged for him to have medical treatment in British hospitals.
"Perhaps he is offering titbits of information, but our policy should be to stop terror wherever it happens. History will cast a shadow of disgrace over the British for turning a blind eye to this mass murderer."
Gillian Lusk, a former deputy editor of Africa Confidential, has followed Salah Abdallah's career from his days as a violent Islamist student in Khartoum University.
She said: "It seems unlikely that Britain and the US's 'intelligence co-operation' with Sudan's Islamist regime will bring much of great use in counter-terrorism: Khartoum is expert at running rings around the international community, and the 300,000 to 500,000 people who have died in Darfur have paid the price of this co-operation."

US Holocaust Museum Uses Giant Images to Confront Darfur Crisis

US Holocaust Museum Uses Giant Images to Confront Darfur Crisis

The U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, DC is hosting an unusual exhibit this week, spotlighting the plight of those who live in Sudan’s war-torn Darfur region.
Photographs of Darfur are being projected on the museum’s exterior walls, in an effort to bring attention to the suffering of civilians caught up in the conflict between government troops and rebel fighters there.
The pictures are displayed after sunset, three at a time, with each image some 12 meters high. They depict scenes such as refugees, burning villages and child soldiers. The images are visible to tourists visiting nearby museums and to the city’s workers on their commute home.
Museum officials say they deliberately picked this week, with its Thanksgiving holiday, in hopes of contrasting the American day of feasting and reflection with the brutality of the situation in Darfur.
The exhibit, titled Darfur-Darfur, also is scheduled to visit the cities of Chicago, Boston, Houston, and the Canadian city of Toronto, after it concludes its visit to the U.S. capital on Sunday.

International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women

http://www.sudanslm.netInternational Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women

The 25th of November is International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women and marks the opening day of a worldwide campaign of 16 Days of Action against Gender Violence that seeks to raise awareness about gender-based violence. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the term 'gender-based violence' (GBV) is used to distinguish violence that targets individuals or groups of individuals on the basis of their gender, from other forms of violence. GBV includes violent acts such as rape, torture, mutilation, sexual slavery, forced impregnation and murder. Violence against women continues in countries throughout the world as a pervasive violation of women's human rights and a major impediment to achieving gender equality. As highlighted in the October Report by the UN Secretary General on Violence Against Women, the high incidence of GBV in conflict zones is particularly alarming, and has been increasingly evidenced and documented in a range of conflict situations including; Afghanistan, Burundi, Chad, Colombia, Côte d'Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, Peru, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and the Sudan. Within the context of violent conflict sexual violence has been used for many different reasons, including as a form of torture, to inflict injury, to extract information, to degrade, intimidate and destroy communities. During almost four years of conflict in Sudan's western region of Darfur, more than 2.5 million people have been displaced and the region remains extremely insecure. Recent escalations in violence illustrate the vulnerability of the female civilians in Darfur, as horrific accounts of girls and women being subjected to rape and sexual violence continue to emerge from the conflict. Trócaire works with local partners in Darfur to promote care and protection of civilians from all forms of rights violations, including gender-based violence. More specifically, through involvement in the training of community mobilisers in GBV, and through the building of Community Centres across the region to accommodate, workshops, counselling sessions and recreation activities. Fighting the impunity of perpetrators is critical to the reduction of GBV. At present, those committing such human rights violations in the conflict in Darfur run virtually no risk of investigation, prosecution or punishment. Trócaire calls on the Government of National Unity to take urgent action to tackle gender-based violence in Darfur and facilitate legal redress for victims of GBV.

Darfur war crimes charges prepared

Darfur war crimes charges prepared

Luis Moreno-Ocampo, the International Criminal Court's chief prosecutor, has said that the ICC has identified "those who could be considered to be the most criminally responsible" for crimes in Darfur.
Thousands of people have been killed and about 2.5 million forced from their homes in three years of conflict in Darfur.
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Khartoum has repeatedly rejected charges of carrying-out genocide in the region.
Jan Egeland, the UN under secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief, has accused Sudan of hindering relief aid to Darfur, attacking villages and arming Arab militia to combat bandits.
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Murder and torture
Moreno-Ocampo said the crimes included persecution, torture, rape and murder.
The UN, Sudan and the African Union (AU), which has fielded a 7,000-member force, agreed in principle in Addis Ababa last week to strengthen an AU force with extensive UN support.
Sudan had previously ruled out a large role for the UN in Darfur.
Before the prosecution submits any evidence to ICC judges, the office of the prosecutor will assess whether Sudan's government is conducting its own judicial proceedings on the same incidents and persons
Under the treaty that set up the ICC in 2002, the Hague-based court cannot prosecute suspects who have already been tried in fair trials in their home countries.
"I plan to have collected this information by the beginning of December," Moreno-Ocampo said.
ICC intervention
Human Rights Watch, a US-based organisation, has claimed that Khartoum set up the court to head off the ICC investigation and tried just 13 criminal cases unconnected to Darfur since the court was formed in June 2005.


The ICC was set up as the first permanent global war crimes court to try individuals and issued its first warrants last year for leaders of Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), who have led 20 years of war.

The LRA signed a truce with the government but has repeatedly said it will not sign a final peace deal unless the ICC indictments against its leaders are dropped.

The Ugandan government has reiterated that it understood its obligations and declared that the arrest of LRA commanders would "prevent recurrent violence and provide justice to the victims," said Moreno-Ocampo.

"The victims have a right to peace, security and justice," he said

Former Sudanese Slave Tells Tale of Bondage, Torment and Eventual Freedom

Former Sudanese Slave Tells Tale of Bondage, Torment and Eventual Freedom

Tears and shudders started early in Francis Bok’s presentation, as he told a University of Central Florida audience the moving story of his capture at age 7 from his village in southern Sudan in 1986. He would spend the next 10 years toiling in forced servitude, living in a shack and facing regular beatings.
Bok addressed a crowd of about 425 at the Fairwinds Alumni Center last week in a forum sponsored by the Global Perspectives Office. A decade after his escape, Bok said he cannot rest because nearly 30 million people remain enslaved around the world today.
One of his worst memories, he said, is that of seeing another slave who was missing part of his leg because the man was not working quickly enough for his master. At the age of 17, following two failed attempts to escape, Bok finally succeeded in becoming free. In 1999, he was granted United Nations refugee status and eventually was relocated to the United States.
Bok is now an associate at the American Anti-Slavery Group in Boston. He wrote about the experience in his book, “Escape From Slavery: The True Story of My Ten Years in Captivity – and My Journey to Freedom in America,” and uses his slave-turned-abolitionist role to raise awareness about human trafficking in the 21st century.
Bok urged students to take action, even if that involves simply being informed on the current issues and debates about slavery and genocide. But what exactly can be done?
Bok acknowledged that there is no clear-cut answer to the problems facing his country but stressed the Sudanese government’s inability to handle the situation. Millions of people are suffering, and not enough has been done to help them, he said. Bok also asked why the international community was quick to act in the Balkans and slow in Sudan’s Darfur area.
In addition to the Global Perspectives Office, sponsors of the event were UCF’s Office of International Studies, Office of Undergraduate Studies, Student Government Association, Metropolitan Center for Regional Studies, Political Science Department, Center for Multilingual Studies, International Services Center, College of Education and Career Services, as well as the Orlando Sentinel and the Global Connections Foundation.

Can security be brought to Darfur?

Can security be brought to Darfur?



















Darfur Daily News is a reliable source that advocates against genocide in Darfur (Sudan). The international community said " Never again". Still in 21st century, it has occurred and is still occurring in Darfur. Alrabae Adam Ezaldeen

African leaders discuss Darfur

African leaders discuss Darfur
There are hopes a hybrid force of African Union and UN troops will be allowed to enter the Darfur region
Six African leaders, including the presidents of Sudan and Chad, have begun in Libya a mini-summit on Sudan's Darfur region, where internal strife is spilling over into Chad and the Central African Republic.

Tuesday's meeting, aimed at carving out Libya's wish for a "radical solution", comes amid rising impatience from both the US and the UN.

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Sudan's neighbours who have accused Khartoum of backing rebellions against their governments. In addition to Sudan's Omar al-Bashir and Chad's Idriss Deby Itno, Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian president, and Eritrea's Issaias Afeworki were in Tripoli, as well as the CAR president, Francois Bozize.

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A three-and-a-half-year-old conflict in Sudan's western Darfur region has spilled over the border into eastern Chad and the northern CAR, prompting angry tirades from both governments against al-Bashir's government.
Khartoum in turn has accused N'Djamena of backing the fighters in Darfur.
Ali al-Triki, the Libyan foreign minister, said the meeting in Tripoli would focus on how to "improve the performance of African (Union) forces in Darfur and to increase their number to 17,000 men" from the current figure of some 7,000.
Another Libyan official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said Tripoli was keen to find a "radical solution to the Darfur crisis to avoid the deployment (there) of international forces."
The aim was also to persuade the more inflexible anti-government groups in Sudan to sign up to a peace accord, he said, stressing that "a deployment of international forces in the thick of conflict" would not achieve results.
The latest initiative follows a visit to Tripoli by Deby earlier this month.
Annan's statement
In Geneva on Tuesday, UN chief Kofi Annan said he expected a response from the Sudanese government by Wednesday at the latest on outstanding issues regarding last week's deal for a hybrid UN-AU force for Darfur.
Khartoum had wanted to consult on the size of the force, which the UN foresees at 17,000 troops and 3,000 police; the way the force commander should be appointed and the role of the special representative who would report to both the UN and the AU, Annan said.
Kofi Annan's term as secretary-general ofthe UN ends on December 31
Earlier on Tuesday, a US envoy pressed Sudan to allow UN peacekeepers into the Darfur region by the end of the year to help end nearly four years of fighting that has claimed more than 300,000 lives.
Andrew Natsios, George W Bush's envoy to Sudan, said he was encouraged after Khartoum last week agreed in principle to a UN force.
Natsios said in Washington: "I really think that if we want to get this resolved, January 1 needs to be the deadline."
However, comments from the Sudanese government suggest Khartoum is already wavering about whether it stands by the accord reached in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia last week.
In August the UN Security Council cleared the way for sending upto 20,000 UN peacekeepers to Darfur, but Sudan's government, whoseapproval is required, has resisted a deployment.
In talks in Addis Ababa on Thursday, a "hybrid" force that would include both African and UN elements was discussed.
In a joint statement, Sudanese envoys agreed in principle to a UN force in place of the current 7,000 AU troops.
Since then, some Sudanese officials have expressed support for UN troops on the ground, but others said Sudan will only accept financial and logistical aid from the UN.
Ceasefire 'broken'
In a separate development a group of former rebels in Darfur have accused the government of violating a ceasefire by launching joint attacks with Janjawid militia that killed up to 80 civilians in South Darfur.
"We have decided not to renew the technical agreement with NRC in South Darfur state..."
Mohamed Salih, head of international relations department for South Darfur
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A Sudanese army spokesman said he had no information of any attack in the area of Um Beyy in the eastern region of South Darfur and denied any arming or support of militias.
A spokesman for the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM), the only one of three rebel factions to sign a May peace accord with the government, warned Khartoum that if the attacks continued, their relations would return to "square one".
Al-Tayyib Khamis, a SLM spokesman said the Janjawid were using vehicles and arms given to them by the government.
An army spokesman said: "We don't even have any information that there was an attack so of course we were not involved."
The AU could not immediately give any information on the incident.
Agency expelled
In another development, Sudan has ordered the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) to leave South Darfur state, accusing the aid agency of espionage and publishing false information.
Mohamed Salih, the head of the international relations department for South Darfur, said: "We have decided not to renew the technical agreement with NRC in South Darfur state.
"They have made reports on military movements of armed forces ... which is in the domain of espionage."
Earlier this month NRC said as a result of "frequent disruption" of its work it was closing down many of its operations in Darfur.
The organisation said it had been suspended five times for a total of 210 days since it started its aid effort in the middle of 2004.
Tomas C Archer, NRC's secretary-general, said at the time: "We cannot work when the authorities suspend us continuously and do not respond to our repeated requests for dialogue aimed at addressing and resolving underlying reasons for this action."

UN’s Pronk - Darfur peacemakers must listen to Arab concerns

UN’s Pronk - Darfur peacemakers must listen to Arab concerns
Nov 22, 2006 (CAIRO) — Darfur peacemakers must take into account legitimate concerns of the region’s Arab population, distinguishing regular Arabs from the "criminal janjaweed" militia responsible for atrocities, said Jan Pronk, the expelled head of the U.N. operation in Sudan.
"We should take away some of the motives which inspire the janjaweed to attack," Pronk said in an e-mail to The Associated Press in Cairo.
Separately, Pronk said he would be returning to his Khartoum office in early December to prepare the transition to his successor, who has yet to be appointed.
Sudan’s government told Pronk to leave Sudan in October, accusing him of exceeding his mandate. Pronk had published on his personal blog a report that government forces had suffered two defeats in Darfur and were deploying extra troops and militia in violation of Security Council resolutions.
U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan expressed full confidence in Pronk but withdrew him for consultations. Pronk had intended to step down on Dec. 31.
The three-year conflict in Darfur in western Sudan has become a battle between African rebels and government troops allied with the Arab militia, known as janjaweed. But it stems from a decades-old competition between African and Arab ethnic groups in Sudan for land, water and grazing rights.
More than 200,000 people have been killed and about 2.5 million people displaced in the fighting. U.N. investigators have blamed the janjaweed for the bulk of the rapes, arson, looting and killing.
But after world outcry over janjaweed atrocities, Darfur’s Arab minority feels more vulnerable, fearing it would lose out in any settlement. Some Arab nomads have recently voiced exasperation at the facilities in Darfur’s refugee camps, where aid groups provide drinking water and food to Africans who have had to flee their homes.
"Without the Arabs in Darfur, there is no political solution," Pronk wrote Monday.
"If we could distinguish between, on the one hand, Arabs with legitimate concerns and demands and, on the other, (the) Arab criminal Janjaweed, we could further the political process," he added.
Pronk said that during his two and a half years in Darfur he regularly met Arab leaders, particularly those in West Darfur, to discuss security arrangements for U.N. humanitarian workers and to hear Arab views on peace initiatives.
Those Arabs who resort to violence have various motives, he said. "Many attacks are only criminal. Many are genocidal, aiming to cleanse an area. Some are (a) form of retaliation against other tribes, or against looting of camels, or against tribes which are considered to support the rebels."
Pronk said he also had tried to meet Musa Hilal, the reputed leader of the janjaweed in North Darfur.
"At a certain moment Musa Hilal wanted to see me. We arranged a meeting, but (Sudanese) National Security prevented him (from keeping) the appointment. Thereupon I took the initiative to meet him. However, he avoided me," Pronk wrote in the email.
Hilal, a tribal chief, is believed to be living in government seclusion in Khartoum. In April the U.N. Security Council and the United States imposed financial sanctions on Hilal, accusing him of orchestrating atrocities in Darfur.
Sudan’s government has long denied any connection with the janjaweed. But U.N. officials who investigated the conflict reported in 2005 that the state had armed the militia. And militiamen such as Hilal have confirmed in past interviews that the janjaweed took its orders from the regular army.
The U.N. undersecretary-general for humanitarian affairs, Jan Egeland, accused Sudan’s government on Saturday of arming the janjaweed and said it was committing acts of "inexplicable terror" against civilians. The Sudanese Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs accused Egeland of lying.

Darfur Sun Daily News

Petition Drafted For Institute Divestment
Sudanese Government Cited as ...Genocidal...
As an MIT Corporation advisory committee continues deliberating whether MIT should divest from Sudan or not, a petition supporting divestment is gathering energy around campus. A lecture planned for next week is expected to open and add to campus discussion about divestment.
The petition reads, “We, the undersigned, request the Massachusetts Institute of Technology divest from offending companies doing business with the genocidal government in Sudan immediately (no later than December 31st 2006).”
The petition’s author, Kayvan Zainabadi G, said that the petition had 229 signatures on Nov. 9. As of last night, the petition had garnered 343 signatures.
Zainabadi plans to present the petition to MIT Corporation’s Advisory Committee for Shareholder Responsibility at their next meeting before bringing it before the Corporation’s Executive Committee.
Graduate Student Council President Eric G. Weese G, also a member of the ACSR, said that the committee checked the number of signatures on the petition at its last meeting.
Zainabadi hopes that the ACSR will decide to divest and will choose a model of “targeted divestment” for the divestment, as was proposed by the Sudan Divestment Task Force.
Brandeis University sophomore Daniel Millenson, president and national advocacy director of the task force, explained that the targeted model “only goes after the worst offenders.” This means that of the approximately 400 companies with ties to Sudan, about two dozen are on the worst offenders list. These worst offenders are those companies that have business relations with the Sudanese government or with government related projects, provide minimum benefit to people outside government circles, and do not have a substantial corporate governance policy.
Millenson said that he has e-mailed the ACSR twice offering the Sudan Divestment Task Force as a resource and to provide company research but has not received a reply.
ACSR Chair Alan G. Spoon said that the committee is taking note of all approaches and that their decision process is deliberate, thoughtful, and careful. Members have done extensive reading and have surveyed the kinds of approaches that other university and financial institutions are taking or have taken.
He would not pinpoint a date when a decision could be expected, saying that a decision could not be rushed because “we’re going to do it right.”
Spoon declined to divulge how much money MIT has invested in Sudan.
Michael Baenen, staff to the committee, said that although a date has not been set for the ACSR’s next meeting, the members are hoping to meet one more time before the winter holidays.
All of the Ivy League schools have done either general divestment or have placed restriction on future investments. Other Massachusetts schools, including Brandeis, Williams, Smith, Boston University, and Amherst have all done divestment of some sort. Wellesley College, like MIT, has an active campaign on campus to divest.
Lecture Draws Debate
As part of his campaign for divestment, Zainabadi has arranged for Eric Reeves, a professor at Smith College, to speak on Nov. 30. Flyers for the event, “‘A Long Day’s Dying: Genocide by Attrition in Sudan,’” advertise Reeves as a “‘professor-turned-activist.’”
Zainabadi approached both the GSC and the Undergraduate Association for a $1,000 honorarium — $500 from each governing body — to “be donated to charitable organization working in Sudan for humanitarian relief.” Reeves requested this honorarium.
In addition, Zainabadi is attempting to gain UA and GSC sponsorship of the petition.
It is possible that one resolution could pass and the other could fail, or vice versa, Weese said. The GSC Executive Committee will vote on the request for $500.
The UA decided to table a decision on the divestment resolution, Zainabadi said. UA Senators felt that more information was needed and that it wouldn’t be fair to vote on the resolution without gathering constituent opinion, he said.
The original resolution to provide $500 for the Reeves speech was enacted as a bill to appropriate $1,000 for an “honorarium for speakers to publicly discuss the conflict and issues surrounding MIT’s divestiture from Sudan.”
This bill sprung from a debate brought up by Mustafa G. Dafalla ’09, who is originally from Sudan and has visited the country several times. He argues that divestment does not work toward a solution. “If MIT is about divestiture and not about initiatives, how can we honestly say we are part of the solution?,” he asked.
Dafalla also said that Sudan’s capital, Khartoum, is often cited in the media as a developed, modern city. He said that he found during a visit this summer that many homes lack indoor plumbing or much of what city dwellers in America count as necessities.
A more viable alternative than divestment, he said, is for MIT to begin an initiative to work toward building infrastructure in Sudan so that necessities can be delivered to everyone in the country. “If we’re serious about helping people, why not take an active role in making things happen?”
The UA bill provides for a speaker to present another view alongside Reeves at the Nov. 30 event. Dafalla said that he has approached some faculty members, but finds that there is a dichotomy over divestment from Sudan. Dafalla said that he “in no way support[s] the government’s indiscriminate attacks against innocent civilians.” Still, he said, it seems that the popular message seems to be that you either support divestment or you support killing babies.
One faculty member Dafalla has approached expressed extreme reserve about speaking on his/her opposition to the divestment, he said, because it is difficult to go on the record as an opposer of divestment.
Zainabadi said that Dafalla’s opposition to his view has caused “much more good than bad,” since it opened a lively debate.

U.N. official condemns army

U.N. official condemns army

From Times Wire ReportsNovember 19, 2006The Sudanese army and government-backed militias are committing acts of "inexplicable terror" against civilians, including children, in the Darfur region, the U.N.'s top humanitarian official said. The accusations by Jan Egeland came as Sudanese officials indicated they might backtrack from a deal for a mixed U.N. and African peacekeeping force. Egeland said violence in the western region is reaching its worst level since fighting erupted more than three years ago.

Sudan denies deal on Darfur force

Sudan denies deal on Darfur force

Sudan's foreign minister has denied that Khartoum has agreed to the deployment of a joint peacekeeping force from the United Nations and African Union in its Darfur region.

Kofi Annan, the outgoing UN secretary-general, earlier said an "agreement in principle" had been reached with Sudan at a meeting in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa.

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Lam Akol, the Sudanese foreign minister, said: "What we agreed upon in Addis Ababa was the African Union force assuming full command, while the UN role would be confined to providing technical and logistical assistance to the AU mission."

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Al-Sammani al-Wasillah, the Sudanese deputy foreign minister, also denied that an agreement has been reached.
"The Sudanese government has not agreed to the deployment of international troops, but agreed to international technical assistance to the AU troops in Darfur," he told Al Jazeera.
Ghazi Salaheddin, adviser to Omar al-Bashir, the Sudanese president, described Annan's statement as "not accurate".
Earlier on Friday, Annan had said that Khartoum had agreed in principle to allow a joint AU and UN peacekeeping force into its Darfur region.
The agreement, Annan said, was reached in a gathering of African, Arab, European and UN leaders in Addis Ababa.

'Neocolonialists'

Annan had also said that the agreement could provide for a total of as many as 17,000 soldiers and 3,000 police officers.

Currently, the AU has just 7,000 troops in the region.
Sudan had previously refused to allow non-African troops to enter Darfur, saying they would be "neocolonialists".
The existing AU troop strength in Darfur is considered to be inadequate and ineffectual.
Major-General LFK Aprezi, the AU commanding officer, said he urgently needed more troops as the security situation on the ground, particularly in western Darfur, continued to deteriorate.
In recent days, pro-government militias known as Janjawid have stepped up attacks on villages in Darfur, killing dozens of people, international observers said.

The Sudanese army has denied any connection to Janjawid attacks, saying the claims were politically motivated.

An agreement to hold renewed talks among all parties to Darfur's conflict brings a historic opportunity to end fighting which has killed 200,000, the UN humanitarian chief said on Saturday.

A meeting in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa on Thursday agreed that a May peace signed by only one of three rebel factions was inadequate and a new process should be activated under joint leadership of the UN and African Union (AU).

"The DPA [Darfur Peace Agreement] is not sufficiently inclusive ... [and] this has led to insecurity, worsened the humanitarian situation and limited humanitarian access," the final communique of the meeting said.
Egeland's warning
The crisis in Darfur could become "infinitely worse" if the deal reached to send a mixed UN and African force to the war-torn region is not applied quickly, the UN chief of humanitarian affairs said on Saturday.
"This is the moment of truth for Darfur," Jan Egeland, UN undersecretary-general for humanitarian affairs, said in the Sudanese capital. "We are playing with a powder keg, it could get infinitely worse."

More than 200,000 people have been killed and 2.5 million displaced by three years of fighting in the vast, arid Darfur region of western Sudan. An ill-equipped African Union mission has achieved little in preventing the violence from worsening.

Sudan still disagrees on detail of Darfur force

Sudan still disagrees on detail of Darfur force
Nov 17, 2006 (ADDIS ABABA) — Sudan has for the first time accepted the principle of U.N. troops going into Darfur to help end one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, but there are still significant disagreements over the shape of the force.
"It is agreed in principle that, pending clarification of the size of the force, we should be able to take it forward," U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan said late on Thursday at the end of a major diplomatic meeting on Darfur in Addis Ababa.
"The troops should be sourced from Africa as far as possible and the command and control structure would be provided by the U.N.," he said, adding the force would consist of 17,000 troops and 3,000 police.
The outgoing U.N. chief convened the meeting to try to resolve one of the most intractable crises of his tenure, in which an overstretched and underfunded African Union (AU) force has been unable to end bloodshed in the huge Sudanese region.
But it was clear there was some way to go before the force could be deployed, with Khartoum still not agreeing on either its size or any U.N.-African Union joint command.
Sudan’s U.N. ambassador Abdalmahmood Abdalhaleem Mohamad told reporters after the meeting: "Peacekeepers will be African, the U.N. will give logistical support.
"If you have a predominantly African force, then you expect to it to be led by an African commander."
He also expressed disagreement over the size of the force. "The U.N. says 17,000 (troops), that figure is very high. We think 11,000 to 12,000."
The Darfur fighting has spilled over into both Chad and Central African Republic (CAR).
Chad Prime Minister Pascal Yoadimnadji said on Friday N’Djamena planned to send troops to CAR to help it fight cross-border rebels backed by Khartoum.
MOBILISATION
He called for a general mobilisation of Chad’s population to fight a "war imposed by Sudan."
U.S. President George W. Bush welcomed the Addis Ababa agreement which he said paved the way for a U.N.-funded joint peacekeeping force composed primarily of African troops.
The West has pushed hard for a substantial U.N. force to end three years of war, rape and pillage in Darfur that have killed 200,000 people and driven 2.5 million from their homes.
But the repeated rejection of this idea by Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir led to new proposals for a "hybrid" alternative in which the United Nations would boost the 7,000-strong AU force.
The depth of the crisis was underlined on Thursday when U.N. humanitarian chief Jan Egeland cut short a planned three-day trip to Darfur after government officials said all the areas he wanted to visit were too dangerous.
He said it was clear neither the government nor the AU force was able to protect civilians in Darfur, where violence was at its worst since it began in early 2003.
"It’s a protection crisis among the worst in the world," he said after visiting victims at the hospital in el-Geneina, capital of West Darfur.
"Civilians are not being defended against armed, terrible, gruesome men who attack women and children."
Egeland and journalists accompanying him saw badly wounded victims of the violence and heard gruesome stories of militia targeting women and children. Survivors said the attackers were Arab Janjaweed militia, who have been armed by Khartoum.
The Sudanese envoy said in Addis Ababa that government officials would respond to the latest proposal before the AU Peace and Security Council meets on Nov. 24 to discuss Darfur.
"We all agreed to have a good political process for any peacekeeping to proceed," he told reporters.
The AU force mandate expires on Dec. 31.
On his farewell trip to Africa, Annan summoned officials from the U.N. Security Council’s permanent members, the European Union, Egypt, Gabon and the Arab League to Thursday’s talks.
The AU also invited Libya, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal and South Africa.
Experts say since one of three Darfur rebel factions signed a peace agreement in May the violence has increased. Diplomats said AU and U.N. officials will meet rebels who did not sign the peace deal in the next two weeks.

Annan leads Darfur meeting

Annan leads Darfur meeting
Kofi Annan, the outgoing UN chief, has led a renewed push for a "hybrid force" of African Union and United Nations peacekeepers to be allowed into Darfur.

But Khartoum again seemed to have rejected the latest initiative amid reports of more violence in the troubled western Sudan region.

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On his farewell trip to Africa, Annan held talks in Ethiopia to try to break the deadlock over international troops.

But Lam Akol, the Sudanese foreign minister, said: "It is not good to put things in terms of what you will accept or won't accept. Things are not hard and fast like that."

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Aiming to stabilise the region and improve access for humanitarian workers, Annan had called officials from the UN Security Council's permanent members, the European Union, Egypt, Gabon and the Arab League to Thursday's one-day talks.

The AU also invited Libya, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal and South Africa.

More violence

Annan's fresh initiative came amid continuing violence in Darfur.
Before Thursday's meeting began, Sudanese rebels accused government troops and militias of killing more than 50 people in an attack on their positions in north Darfur.

Violence in Darfur has raged since 2003, with some 200,000 people killed and more than 2.5 million driven from their homes.

The head of one faction of the rebel Sudan Liberation Army [SLA] said government troops, backed by allied Janjaweed militia, attacked its positions in the Deir Mazza area on Wednesday, killing several rebels and the rest civilians.

The government had used fighter planes, Abdel Wahed al-Nur told Reuters, calling the attack "a massive escalation from the government" which would bring an SLA response.

A Sudanese army spokesman, who declined to be named, said the report was "100 per cent incorrect".

Rebel group says gov't attack kills 50 in Darfur

Rebel group says gov't attack kills 50 in Darfur

CAIRO, Nov 16 (Reuters) - A Sudanese rebel group has accused government troops and allied militias of attacking its positions in northern Darfur, killing more than 50 people. An army spokesman denied the claim.
Abdel Wahed al-Nur, head of one faction of the rebel Sudan Liberation Army (SLA), said the army, backed by janjaweed militia, attacked the Deir Mazza area on Wednesday.
"About three armed men of the movement were also killed in the attack. The innocent citizens included women and children," Nur said late on Wednesday, adding that the government used fighter planes.
Nur said the attack marked "a massive escalation from the government" and said the SLA would respond.
A Sudanese army spokesman who declined to be named said on Thursday no operations had been conducted in that area in the past few days and the report was "100 percent incorrect".
Violence is on the increase in Darfur, where some 200,000 people have been killed and more than 2.5 million driven from heir homes in a conflict that has raged since 2003. (Additional reporting by Alaa Shahine and Opheera McDoom)

UN Darfur proposal could mean joint UN/AU operation

UN Darfur proposal could mean joint UN/AU operation
Nov 14, 2006 (UNITED NATIONS) — The United Nations will propose a three-step program at a high-level meeting this week to strengthen African peacekeeping efforts in conflict-wracked Darfur, culminating in a joint African Union-U.N. operation, a senior U.N. official said.
The Sudanese government, which vehemently opposes the transfer of peacekeeping duties in Darfur from the African Union to the U.N., has given a green light for a beefed-up A.U. force. But whether Khartoum would approve the U.N.’s third step - "an A.U.-U.N. hybrid operation" with both organizations jointly appointing key decision-makers including the force commander - remains to be seen.
Secretary-General Kofi Annan, in an attempt to give new momentum to the stalled peace process in Darfur, is convening a meeting Thursday in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, of senior officials from the African Union, the Arab League, the European Union, Sudan, the U.S., China, Russia, Egypt, France, and half a dozen African countries.
Undersecretary-General for Peacekeeping Jean-Marie Guehenno told the U.N. Security Council on Tuesday that the meeting is being held "with a view to preparing a possible breakthrough regarding the provision of international assistance" to the 7,000-strong A.U. force ahead of a meeting on Nov. 24 of the A.U.’s Peace and Security Council.
Outlining the three-step proposal, Guehenno told a closed council meeting that Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir has endorsed the first step to strengthen the ill-equipped and overstretched A.U. force, which is currently under way. His briefing was obtained by the Associated Press.
The initial package will add 105 military officers, 33 U.N. police, 48 international staffers, 36 armored personnel carriers, night-vision goggles, and Global Positioning equipment to the A.U. force, according to a U.N. report.
Guehenno said talks are taking place with the AU and Sudan on a second, larger support package that would include the deployment of several hundred U.N. military, police and civilian personnel to the African Union mission "as well as substantial aviation and logistical assets."
The third step would be the A.U.-U.N. hybrid operation, with the two organizations jointly appointing a special envoy to lead it and the military commanders, and "substantial U.N. involvement in its command and control structure," he said. The U.N. could also provide additional logistics, engineering and operations units to increase its effectiveness, he added.
Guehenno said the estimated budget for the three-step approach was $150 million for the initial six-month period.
(AP)

Dozens killed in attack on Darfur village

Dozens killed in attack on Darfur village
Internally displaced people ride their donkeys at Tawilla IDP camp in north Darfur September 7, 2006. Up to 30 villagers were killed and 40 wounded when armed men riding horses and camels attacked a village in the Darfur region of western Sudan, an African Union (AU) official said on Monday. REUTERS/Candace Feit
KHARTOUM--Up to 30 villagers were killed and 40 wounded when armed men riding horses and camels attacked a village in the Darfur region of western Sudan, an African Union (AU) official said on Monday.The attackers are suspected to be janjaweed, militiamen who have killed and plundered across the arid region, helping to drive some 2 million people into camps, said the official, who asked not to be named.The AU has a 7,000-strong peace force in Darfur that has been unable to stem the violence. A U.N. official said on Monday the world body will give the AU $77 million to pay for more troops and equipment.But some analysts say only a greatly expanded force with a more robust mandate will stop the killing that Washington has called genocide, a charge Khartoum denies.The three-hour attack on Saturday was on Sirba, about 45 km (30 miles) north of El Geneina, capital of West Darfur state and close to the Sudan-Chad border, the AU official said."The attackers were on camels and horses. Reports indicate up to 30 villagers killed and 40 injured and half of the village was razed," the AU official said.Bahr Idriss Abu Garda, a leader of the rebel National Redemption Front, told Reuters by telephone that the Sudanese army took part with the janjaweed in the attack on Sirba and a similar attack in the nearby Abu Surouj area.But an army spokesperson said government forces were not involved in any operations in the Sirba area and did not even have a large troop presence there.STATE OF EMERGENCYThe conflict in Darfur has intensified after a short-lived lull which followed a partial peace agreement signed by one of the rebel factions in May.The conflict broke out in 2003 when local people, mostly non-Arabs, took up arms to fight for a greater share in power and central government resources.Since then, the violence has spilt across the border to neighbouring Chad and Central African Republic.On Monday Chad declared a state of emergency in the capital N'Djamena and some eastern areas on the Sudanese border."This state of emergency aims to halt the serious attacks on public order due to the rampant insecurity in these regions," Chadian Communications Minister Hourmadji Moussa Doumgor said after a special cabinet meeting.The United States and United Nations have tried to persuade the Sudanese government to let a U.N. peacekeeping force deploy in Darfur but Khartoum has refused, saying that to accept foreign troops would be like a return to colonialism.In the face of Khartoum's refusal, advocates of a U.N. mission are looking at alternatives that will protect the people of Darfur while winning Sudanese government approval.One idea is a hybrid force combining the United Nations and the African Union but the details have not been worked out.Until a future peacekeeping force can be agreed, the AU force has said it needed funding for equipment and at least 4,000 more troops to enforce a cease-fire.PERSONNEL, EQUIPMENTHedi Annabi, a U.N. assistant secretary general for peace-keeping operations, said: "We have agreed on two packages of support worth around $77 million (40.4 million pounds) for the (AU) mission.""The government of Sudan has agreed to the deployment of the two packages," he added at AU headquarters in Addis Ababa.Annabi said $22 million would fund military staff officers, police advisers and civilian personnel to strengthen the chain of command of the AU mission.A second tranche of $55 million would go towards equipment and personnel and a specialised support unit."Since the government of Sudan is against the deployment of a U.N. operation in Darfur, we are looking at ways in which we can reinforce AMIS (the African Mission in Sudan) to enable it to perform its task effectively," Annabi said.(additional reporting by Tsegaye Tadesse in Addis Ababa, and Betel Miarom in N'Djamena)

officials have often referred to the genocide

officials have often referred to the genocide
During the last few years, the press and international officials have often referred to the genocide in Darfur as a humanitarian crisis, the same term used for the destruction visited on people by a drought or a flood. It is important to note, however, that what is happening in Darfur is not a natural disaster, but one perpetrated needlessly by the Sudanese government, most specifically its president, Omar al-Bashir.
Darfur is located in the western section of Sudan, geographically the largest country in Africa. Sudan, located in the east of the continent, is surrounded by Egypt, Libya, Uganda, Zaire, Chad, the Central African Republic and Ethiopia. Sudan has long been considered a terrorist government by the United States due to its history of harboring known terrorists and terrorist cells. The country is also well known for many years of repression, killing, starvation, rape and violence inflicted by the government on its own people. This is particularly true in Southern Sudan, where black Christians and Animists were targeted for decades by the government in a campaign of killing that has left over 2 million dead. Since 1999, oil money from exploitation of the oilfields of Southern Sudan has provided Sudan with the capital to finance the terror. Though a fragile Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the North (where the capital, Khartoum, is located) and South was signed in January of 2005, the murderous onslaught against civilians has not stopped. The newest targets of violence are the Black Muslim Africans of Darfur, where what the U.S. government acknowledges as genocide, has been occurring for the last 3.5 years.
The current crisis began in February of 2003 when Darfur rebels attacked a government installation there. The attack was planned as a protest to what the Darfuri believed was the omission of their inclusion in the CPA as well as a general lack of protection and security by the Khartoum government for black villages against violent attacks by Arab nomadic groups, known as Janjaweed (Arabic for “evil men on horseback”). In response, the governmentfurther armed and empowered the Janjaweed militia to continue and step-up attacks on civilians. It is estimated that since the beginning of the conflict the violence has left over 400,000 people dead, 2 million internally displaced, countless women raped and over 300,000 in refugee camps across the border in Chad.
In April, 2006, large numbers of activists across the United States staged rallies to end the genocide in Darfur. The focus of the message was for the US government to put more pressure on the Government of Sudan (GoS) to allow a multi-national peacekeeping force with a mandate to protect civilians into the region. A week after the rallies, the US helped broker the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA). Unfortunately, though GoS and the largest of the Darfur rebel groups signed the agreement in May of 2006, nearly all of thedeadlines for disarmament and cessation of violence have passed while the situation has only worsened. The people of Darfur are still in grave danger of violence from Janjaweed militia and Sudanese soldiers (who have been found to be aiding in the attacks), the number of deaths has dramatically increased, and humanitarian workers are being targeted and murdered. The violence has spread into neighboring Chad, and many are dying of starvation and malnourishment, as it gets more and more difficult to provide the necessary aid.
Humanitarian and Policy organizations continue to push for a UN force to take over from a weak Africa Union mission in Darfur in September even though the Sudanese president, Omar al-Bashir, has repeatedly said that such a force will not be permitted to enter the country. Oil trading partners, especially China, have also continuously blocked the UN Security Council in condemningSudan or applying sanctions. In the meantime, the Bush administration has been reluctant to alienate the Khartoum government because of the belief that Sudan’s cooperation is essential in the war on terror.
It is the goal of The International Citizen’s Tribunal for Sudan to challenge the Sudanese government's denial of responsibility. In shining a spotlight on the deeds of Omar al-Bashir and others in his corrupt administration, it will call to account those culpable for Sudan's shameful history of serial genocide, hopefully hastening the day when the Darfuri people will have justice.

DARFUR UPDATE

DARFUR UPDATE
Field Report from CHRF Board Member
We are heading into Darfur, Sudan, where the non-black Arab Muslim government is systematically wiping out the black Arabs in this region of Sudan. When it isn't sending in its own troops to bomb, shoot, rape and murder these people, it is supporting local militias called the Janjaweed (translated “Devils on Horseback”) to do the dirty work.
Between three and four hundred thousand people have died here. Two and a half million people have fled their villages and set up camps like the one we are headed toward in Southern Darfur. Others have run across the border into Chad.
Make no mistake: this is nothing less than genocide.
In the dead of the night, the Government sends troops to attack a village. Hearing the discharge of weapons, exploding bombs, the sounds of trucks filled with soldiers, and their neighbor's screams of terror, people flee their homes with nothing but the clothes on their backs.
You can imagine the scene: parents frantically searching for children, children running terrified into the night, families scattering in different directions, later wondering if their loved ones survived. Men and women are being raped with burning branches, children are being shot, and entire villages are being razed to the ground.
We are searching for survivors. Upon arriving in Nairobi, we discover that there are thousands of refugees gathering in an area in the Southern part of the Darfur Region. This is where are heading.
The Walking Wounded
The people hear the sound of our plane's twin engines long before they see the plane. Hoping that someone is bringing them aid and relief, they begin running to the dirt airstrip. No one has been here to help these people for many months.
Reading the horror stories in newspapers, magazines and on the Internet, or looking at the devastation on cable news, did not prepare me for what I encountered when we landed in Southern Darfur. How could it have? The only way to even begin to comprehend the wounds being inflicted on these people by their own government is being here and actually touching those wounds.
Once the material has been offloaded, we sit down with various village chiefs to hear their stories.
“My wife was raped and murdered by Government troops.”
“My wife and I were separated from our children…we have no idea if they are even living…it has been many years.”
There are presently around 2,500 people here. At one time there were many times this number, but most leave in search of food and never return. When we ask why they didn't build their camp closer to the Nile so they could irrigate crops, as well as have fish to eat, the men explain that the people would be decimated by malaria if they lived too close to the river. So some of the men walk two days to the river for fish and then make the trek back.
When we ask about whom the most desperate people here are, we are directed to three women whose husbands and children were missing. With no husband or older sons around, these women have no one to help provide for them.
There is Miriam with her daughter Fadnah who is seven years old. Miriam's husband and four other children are missing, having been separated from them during an attack by government troops.
Then there is Hajif, also missing her husband and children after a raid by marauding soldiers.
Amien's husband and five children were with her when they escaped. However, after weeks of starvation, her husband and boys returned to their village in search of food. That was five years ago and she has not seen them since.
We give these women salt, jerry cans for transporting water, maze, and plastic sheeting to place over their huts to keep the rain from pouring through. Afterward, the leaders take charge of distribution and begin handing out the same material to other needy families.
Not long after landing, we send our plane back to the base for more supplies and decide to spend some time getting to know these people a bit better. We want to see where and how they live and what else we can do in the future to help. We also want to find out about other such villages and camps: places such as this village, where no one else is taking relief and aid.
The conditions are appalling. The make-shift huts are barely more than a few sticks covered by straw. Many are suffering with malaria. One man took my hand and placed it on his chest where I could feel a tumor harder than my elbow and larger than my hand. There is rampant malnutrition -- which makes the malaria fatal. One of the chiefs tells me that during childbirth either mother or child often die -- or both.
The people are very hospitable and enjoy laughing. At one point, the children all march into the compound where we were setting up camp and sing a few rousing choruses of songs, thanking God that He sent us.
As we walk from hut to hut we see the people already utilizing the material we gave them. They are demonstrably grateful, smilingly inviting us into their huts.
I see Fadnah and walk over to show her the photo I had taken of her on my digital camera. She is so excited by this that I decide to take a photo of a group of ladies and show them what they look like: they laugh, they tease each other…they pose again, wanting another photo shot, but this time with a couple of the men!
In the middle of such despair these people are still experiencing joy, still finding the strength to care for one another, still hoping for a better future.
Because of your prayers and donations we were able to stoke the fires of this hope. They see that they are not forgotten, that there are people who want to help, want to do whatever they can to stop the genocide and work toward a future where their rights are valued as highly as those of their non-black fellow-citizens.
With your continued support, we intend to keep going into Darfur, searching out and serving those who are not being reached with any sort of aid. Please, continue praying for these people, and continue giving so that we can express God's love and care for those survivors who have suffered
DARFUR UPDATE
On the Ground with the CHRF Emergency Response Team
The following account was sent by a member of our Emergency Response Team, which has been delivering relief supplies to victims in the Darfur refugee camps. The team member's name and the details of the mission have been withheld for security reasons.
The boy was wearing a pair of dirty shorts and a shirt torn in so many places that it barely clung to his back. Like the rest of the refugees in the camp, he was painfully thin. Unlike many, however, the flame of this small boy's hope had not yet gone out, and he burned with a child's cheerful and irrepressible enthusiasm as he followed us about. His joy was all the more shocking given his surroundings: a remote refugee camp in Darfur, Sudan, where the conditions have rightly been described as "hell on earth".

In all my travels, I have never witnessed such extreme human suffering and deprivation. At this first stop, some 2,500 people were crammed into a camp that wasn't much more than a few flimsy awnings and ropes. Many were wounded or maimed, with the terror of what they had experienced still in their eyes. Sanitation was non-existent and the hot air reeked of sickness and death. And everywhere there was hunger - hunger so deep and prolonged that it sucked all life and energy into itself. It had been over a year since the last relief team came through, and the people were gnawing on roots and dry leaves.
And in the midst of this hell hole was this small bright boy. The translator introduced him as James, an unlikely name that must have been bestowed by some relief worker - perhaps because the boy, like so many Darfuri children who find their way to the camps, either wouldn't, or couldn't, give his real name. The identities of thousands of Darfuri children have been lost in this way: by the trauma of what they have seen, and the fear of what might still come for them.
James' story is like so many others we heard: he awakened one night to the sounds of people screaming in terror outside his house. When he peered outside, he saw men on horseback slaughtering everyone in sight. James knew what this meant: the Janjaweed had come . He saw members of the neighbouring family hacked down in front of their house. He crept to the other room looking for his parents but the house was empty.
Terrified, James crawled out a window and hid himself in the bushes outside the perimeter of his small village. He saw a woman being dragged screaming from her house and raped by multiple soldiers until her screams died and her body lay still and quiet in the dirt. James ran into the darkness and didn't look back. He eventually found his way to the refugee camp and waited for his family to find him. Over a year later, James seems to accept now that they will never come. They were killed with all the others.
Later the next day, James asked me if I would be his father and take him home with me. I had to look this small earnest boy in the eye and tell him that no, I couldn't do that. Before we left he tried to renegotiate: since he couldn't come with me, then would I please stay with him? As he clung to my hand, I felt like another larger hand was squeezing my heart. I said, "If I did that, then who would take care of my wife and new baby?" James looked up at me and smiled in sad acknowledgment of this point, and then hung his head. We could both hear the sound of the plane approaching that would carry us away to our next stop. I felt as though the sorrow of this small boy would crush me.
We're home now, but I can't forget James, or the hundreds of other refugee children we met on this trip. We delivered over three tons of relief supplies into an area that hadn't received any outside help in months. I was overwhelmed by the humility and gratitude of the people as they bent their frail bodies to carry the bags of maize and other supplies we brought. There was no grabbing or fighting, as might be expected when people are starving. Rather there was an amazing communal spirit as relief was distributed as equitably as possible.
Please thank the donors who made our trip possible, and please let them know the difference their gifts made in the lives of these noble and innocent people. It's not just about the food and water we bring. It's about the hope - hope that someone cares and that they haven't been forgotten, which may mean that their suffering will eventually have an end.
I gave James my favourite shirt before I left. It hung down to his knees but he wore it proudly. It gave him hope that I might come back. To see the joy return to his face at this small gesture gave me hope too - for both of us.

UN, AU may tackle Darfur crisis

UN, AU may tackle Darfur crisis
New York - The United Nations security council is to send two diplomats to Addis Ababa on Monday to hold talks with the Sudanese government and the African Union on the Darfur crisis, say diplomats.
The sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said two diplomats from member states of the 15-member council were to travel to the Ethiopian capital at the AU's invitation.
The sources gave no details on the identity or nationality of the diplomats.
The security council decided on August 31 to send up a 20 000-strong UN force to Sudan's strife-torn Darfur region to take over peacekeeping from cash-strapped and ill-equipped AU troops who had failed to halt the bloodshed.
But, Sudanese President Omar al-Beshir was adamantly opposed to the deployment of such a force, which he viewed as part of a Western attempt to recolonise his country and plunder his abundant oil and other resources.
200 000 people killed
As a result, efforts by the world community to end the nearly four-year-old civil war and resulting humanitarian crisis in Darfur were deadlocked.
On Thursday, the United States said it was considering compromises on the make-up of an international peacekeeping force for Darfur.
State department spokesperson Sean McCormack said Washington still wanted the UN "involvement" in the Darfur force, but he didn't reiterate past US insistence that the peacekeepers be deployed formally under the world body's banner.
McCormack said: "We're taking a look at how we can address the various concerns that have come up from the Sudanese government, as well as others in the region, about the nature of this international force."
At least 200 000 people had been killed and 2.5 million others displaced since a rebellion by Darfur's mainly black African population against the Arab-led Khartoum government erupted in early 2003.
Much of the violence had been blamed on a government-funded Arab militia, known as the Janjaweed.

Norwegian aid agency ends Darfur operation after disruption

Norwegian aid agency ends Darfur operation after disruption


KHARTOUM, Nov 10 (Reuters) - Sudanese government obstruction has forced the Norwegian Refugee Council to close its Darfur operation providing humanitarian relief to 300,000 war victims, the aid agency said on Friday.
Sudan is suspicious of the dozens of foreign aid agencies working in Darfur and has targeted more vocal organisations, especially those that have revealed figures for rape, a crime Khartoum denies is widespread in the violent region.
"Closing down is the very last option," said NRC Secretary-General Tomas C. Archer.
"However, the frequent disruption of our humanitarian work, such as suspension for a sum total of 210 days, is forcing us to take this very difficult decision," he added.
"We cannot work when the authorities suspend us continuously and do not respond to our repeated requests for dialogue," Archer said in a statement.
Sudanese officials were not immediately available to comment.
Darfur is home to the world's largest humanitarian operation with 14,000 aid workers.
Experts estimate 200,000 people have been killed and 2.5 million forced from their homes over 3-1/2 years of conflict called genocide by Washington.
Last year Khartoum ordered the heads of Oxfam and Save the Children to leave the country after both issued press releases about the ongoing violence in Darfur.
And two senior members of Medecins Sans Frontieres Holland were arrested charged with espionage and publishing false information after the organisation issued a report detailing hundreds of rape victims they had treated in Darfur hospitals.
NRC had constant troubles with the authorities since it began operations in 2004 and its activities were suspended five times. NRC worked in Darfur's vast and most volatile camp, Kalma in South Darfur.
Kalma residents burnt and looted the offices of government authorities who have not been able to reestablish control for almost two years. They say rebels have infiltrated the camp and accused NRC, the agency in charge of Kalma, of aiding them.
Mostly non-Arab rebels took up arms in early 2003 accusing the central government of marginalising the remote west. Khartoum armed militias to quell the revolt.
Those militia stand accused of a widespread campaign of rape, looting and murder, although Khartoum denies genocide. The International Criminal Court is investigating alleged war crimes.

US considers compromise on UN force for Darfur

US considers compromise on UN force for Darfur

Nov 10, 2006 (WASHINGTON) — The United States said it was considering compromises on the make-up of an international peacekeeping force for Darfur after Sudan rejected demands for deployment of UN troops to halt one of Africa’s worst humanitarian disasters in decades.
State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said Washington still wanted United Nations "involvement" in the Darfur force, but he did not reiterate past US insistence the peacekeepers be deployed formally under the world body’s banner.
"We’re taking a look at how we can address the various concerns that have come up from the Sudanese government, as well as others in the region, about the nature of this international force," McCormack said.
The UN Security Council adopted a resolution in August demanding the deployment of some 20,000 UN troops to Darfur to replace an under-funded African Union (AU) force which has failed to halt the violence.
At least 200,000 people have been killed and 2.5 million others displaced since a rebellion by Darfur’s mainly black African population against the Arab-led Khartoum government erupted in early 2003.
Much of the violence has been blamed on a government-funded Arab militia, known as the Janjaweed.
Sudan President Omar al-Bashir has defiantly rejected the UN resolution, fearing the UN deployment could lead to a partition of his country or arrest government officials on charges of crimes against humanity.
Beshir refused to meet last month with US President George W. Bush’s personal envoy, Andrew Natsios, out of anger over a decision to extend long-standing US sanctions against Sudan linked to its human rights record and alleged ties to terrorism.
Natsios first signalled a shift in US policy late last month when he said in an interview that the international force for Darfur did not have to be a "blue-helmeted" UN operation as long as it was big enough and robust enough to halt the violence.
"If it does not have a United Nations helmet, but it is very competent and very aggressive, then we have fulfilled our intention," Natsios said, suggesting the force could be made up of Africa and Arab troops backed by UN or NATO logistical support.
McCormack was more insistent on a UN role in the operation.
"This is not in any way to compromise on the need for this force and the need for an effective international force that would have UN involvement as central to it, as well as AU involvement as central to it," he said Thursday.
Discussions on the potential make-up of the force were continuing at the United Nations and bilaterally with countries in the region, notably Arab states, he said.

Ireland warns Sudan over Darfur deaths

Ireland warns Sudan over Darfur deaths

Nov 7, 2006 (DEBLIN) — The Sudanese Government will be held personally responsibly for any further deaths in war-ravaged Darfur, Irish Foreign Affairs Minister Dermot Ahern warned today.
More than 400,000 people have died in the troubled west African region which Mr Ahern visited in July,
The minister will raise the issue with Amnesty International general secretary Irene Khan in London tomorrow.
Sudan has blocked pleas by the international community to allow a UN peacekeeping force to be deployed in the region.
Amnesty claims that human rights violations, especially sexual violence against women and girls, must be stopped in Darfur.
Speaking ahead of the meeting with Amnesty, Mr Ahern said: “We have common cause with Amnesty in trying to end this suffering and I will continue to raise the plight of the poor people of Darfur at every opportunity.
“Giving up on Darfur is not an option. The international community needs to do more.”
Ms Khan, who has been secretary general of Amnesty International since 2001, is the first woman, the first Muslim and the first Asian to hold the position.
She previously spent 20 years in a variety of roles with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Ahern added: “Ultimately, the Sudanese regime has a clear responsibility to protect their citizens – they must live up to that responsibility. The message has to go out loud and clear that they will be held collectively and individually responsible for what may happen to the people of Darfur if consent to UN deployment continues to be withheld, and the humanitarian situation further deteriorates.
“And any sanctions will be focused on the regime and the militias and not the ordinary people.”
During his visit to London, the minister will also open the new Luton Irish Centre, which has been part funded by the Government.
This year the Government has provided €12m for overseas emigrant groups, mainly in Britain and the US.
(Irish Examiner)

Press-releases; Mr. Alrabae Adam Ezaldeen

Press-releases; Mr. Alrabae Adam Ezaldeen
solorokro@gmail.com

Since the Darfur crisis erupted in 2003, the Government of Sudan, the perpetrator of genocide, has been concealing crimes they and their proxy militia have committed against the people of Darfur. The international community has adopted several resolutions for deploying peacekeeping forces to Darfur, however Sudan's ruling party shaped the mandate and the mission of the African Union Forces in its favor. The government continues to oppose all efforts to resolved the Darfur crisis, with the intention to continue criminal activity to achieve its goals, its so-called "civilization projects" that were planned nearly two decades ago. All people in Darfur are counting on the United Nations for protection and advocacy on their behalf. The UN Secretary General's Special Representative in Sudan, Mr. Jan Pronk has been expelled from the country. The regime has thus deprived the international community of a dependable communications link. US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice stated clearly to the government of Sudan: cooperate or face confrontation. Unfortunately, Sudan's regime has chosen confrontation with the United Nations, the very organization that provides many kinds of support for the Darfur people. Darfur Peace and Development condemns this unwise behavior of the Government of Sudan. The United Nations now has no choice but to lift its will and exert its power against Sudan's government -- including economic embargoes and targeted sanctions against Sudanese leaders. United Nation must send troops to Darfur. And the people of Darfur are again caught in the crossfire.